Akhadism

Akhadism (Akhad'ed) is a monotheistic religion articulated by the Setgvek, an Akhadic holy book considered by its adherents the true word of God (Akhad), and for the vast majority of adherents, also by the teachings and codes which established the non-civil religious law. An adherent of Akhadism is called an Akhadisc or Akhadian. Akhadism is one of the main religious of western Ostara, most notably in Kyrzbekistan and nearby countries. Akhadism was the official religion of the Akhadic Republic of Kyrzbekistan, between 1562 and 1568.

Akhadists believe that Akhad is one and incomparable and that the purpose of existence is to worship Akhad. Akhadists also believe that Akhadism is the complete and universal version of a primordial faith that was revelaed through the Akhadic prophetic tradition and the sacred law. They consider that the Zokuk (religious law) is the unaltered and the final revelation of Akhad. Religious concepts and practices include the 199 principles, which are basic concepts and obligatory acts of worship as established by the Zozuk tradition. The Zozuk touches on virtually every aspect of life and society, providing guidance on multifarious topics from banking and welfare, to familiy life and government.

Most Akhadists are of two denominations: Bukh'a (60-70%) and Zokukyar (20-30%). Adherents of Akhadism constitute the majority of the populations of Kyrzbekistan, Zargistan, Ga'bath, A'Sir, Khanid, Wadiyah, Aricca, and Ashar, while there are significant communities in Mestra, Gallia, Mithraina, New Galasia, Angiris, Florinthus, and Ustyara.

History of Akhadism

Before the birth of Akhadism, the Near East region was divided by a large amount of religious beliefs and cults, one of the largest, while in decline, was Raasticanism. The founder of Akhadism was Jorchek (823-769 BCE), and the new religion would experience a fast growing from Askhabad to other regions of Near East.

Jorchek was born in Askhabad, the sixth child of a marriage of Kyrzbek merchants. In 787 BCE, at the age of 36, Jorchek is said to receive visions from Akhad and begins preaching in the name of this new god. He would have soon a small growing number of followers and converts in the city. A year later, inspired by his fame as wise man, he was appointed as spiritual and political advisor by the ruler of the city. When the city Ashkabad resists a 121 siege in 784 BCE, Jorchek is hailed as a hero and much of the population of Ashkabad and surroindings convert to Akhadism.

However, Korkek II, the ruler of Ashkabad, is afraid of Jorchek growing influence, and orders that Jorchek is assassinated. His plans were discovered, however, and a popular revolt in response leads to the overthrow of the ruler of Ashkabad. A theocratic state is proclaimed, and the legislation based on the teaching of Akhadism, known as Zokuk, is enacted for first time in history. The Akhadic faith is spread in nearby regions, sometimes through military campaigns in the next years, and the new state woud conquer much of modern-day Zargistan and Gallia in a few years. Jorchek's preachment is spread in written form for first time during those years, giving origin to Setgvek, the holy book of Akhadism.

In 775 BCE, Jorchek is said to have received a vision from Akhad, leading him to abdicate political power. He goes on great journays, travelling with a small group of trusted followers and preaching across the Near East. His trusted adviser Umir takes his place as the political leader of the Akhadic faith, beginning what historians would call the Umirid Empire.

Jorchek arrives to Ashar in late 769 BCE, but he is immediately arrested by the Asharite authorities and given to a frenzied crowd of Raastican zealots, who beat him to death, desecrate his body, and throw his corpse from the city walls into the river. His remains are reportedly recovered by a group of his followers and secretly bring to Ashkabad.

As soon as news came to Ashkabad, now the capital city of the Umirid Empire, preparations for an invasion of the Kingdom of Ashar are started. However, they would not begin until early 767. That year, Ashar is invaded and defeated by the Umirid army, being most of the population of their capital city massacred during the siege and the days afterwards. Its surviving populace is forcibly converted to Akhadism and many Akhadic believers from the rest of the Empire resettle there. The city of Ashad is proclaimed a sacred city, and the rest of the Kingdom of Ashad is annexed by the Umirid Empire. Umir orders to build the Kutsal Peyabes, one of the most important Akhadic temples, in Jorchek's memory. His remains, and those of Umir and other rulers of the Umirid Empire were buried there, and it became since then the most important place of pilgrimage for Akhadic believers.

The Akhadic expanded along the Umirid Empire, becoming the largest religion until today in countries like today Zargistan, Ga'bath, Kyrzbekistan, Khanid, Aricca, A'Sir or Wadiyah. Once the Umirid Empire collapsed and disappear, although Akhadism remained as state religion in many of those successor states, it lacked a central authority becoming in a rather decentralized religion compared to Messanic cults. Each Akhadic community developed their own rules and customs, even if always in accordance with the Setgvek and Zokuk, through either the principles of tradition or consensus.

Recent immigration has spread Akhadism to every continent as well, and in many countries Akhadism is experiencing a constant but slow increase.

Theology

For Akhadism, Akhad ('The One') is the source of all life, and therefore absolute causality and the only real existence. It is beyond all Being, and the source of it. It cannot be known through reasoning or understanding. Being beyond existence, it is the most real reality, source of less real things. It has no attributes of any kind; it is being without magnitude, without life, without thought; in strict property, indeed, we ought not to speak of it as existing, it is above existence.

From Akhad emanates the Makhad, which is a perfect image of Akhad and the archetype of all existing things. It stands between Akhad and the phenomenal world, being permeated and illuminated by the former, but is also in contact with the latter.

The Makhad, as a moving essence, generates the corporeal or phenomenal world. This world ought to be so pervaded by the soul that its various part should remain in perfect harmony. So long as idea governs matter, or the soul governs the body, the world is fair and good. It is an image -though a shodowy image- of the upper world, and the degrees of better and worse in it are essential to the harmony of the whole.

But in the actual phenomenal world unity and harmony are replaced by strife or discord; the result is a conflict, a becoming and vanishing, an illusive existence. And the reason for this state of things is that bodis rest on a substratum of matter. Matter is the indeterminate: it has no qualities. If destitute of form and idea, it is evil; as capable of form it is neutral. Evil here is understood as a parasitic, having no-existence of its own. The human souls that have descended into corporeality are those that have allowed themselves to be ensnared by sensuality and overpowered by lsut. They now seek to cut themselves loose from their true being; and since tehy not lost their freedom, a conversion is still possible. Only following the dictates or norms, called “Zozuk”, or religious law, the men could perfectionate their souls and returning to the Makhad, purifying itself and leaving the corporeal world.

Akhadism does not believe in an independent existence of evil. So, evil is simply the absense of good. Things are good insofar as they exist; they are evil only insofar as they are imperfect, lacking some good that they should have.

Akhadism teaches that all people return to the Source. When people return to the Makhad, their energy returns to Akhad and is then recycled into the cosmos, where it can be broken up and then amalgamated into other things.

Zokuk, the religious law

The theological doctrine of Akhadism is relatively simple, and it does not really allow many contradictory interpretations. Many scholars consider Akhadism (specially the Bukh'a branch) a more practical than doctrinal religion, that is, Akhadism is more focused in the practical realization of the Akhadic doctrines rather than in metaphysics or theology. Therefore, Zokuk (“law”, in Kyrzbek language), the religious law, and its different interpretations, according to different and even contradictory schools, have a large importance in the Akhadic tradition.

Zokuk deals with many topics addressed by secular law, including crime, politics, and economics, as well as personal matters such as sexual intercourse, hygiene, diet, prayer, everyday etiquette and fasting. Adherence to the Zokuk has served as one of the distinghishing characteristics of the Akhadic faith historically, specially considering the lack of a centralized Akhadic Church, and through the centuries Akhadic believers have devoted much scholarly time and effort on its elaboration. Practical interpretations of the Zokuk vary between the several Akhadic sects and respective schools of jurisprudence, yet in its strictest and most historically coherent, religious law is considered the infallible law of Akhad. However, the several Akhadic traditions may look not only different but contradictory, going for the literalist and more conservative traditions to the secular and more “liberal” ones.

The are two primary sources for Zokuk, the precepts sets forth in the Setgvek, the Akhadic sacred book, and the comments by the six historical “Grand Kuzhe”. Where it has officially status, Zokuk is interpreted by Akhadic judges (ozman or, in some cases, dakime) with varying responsabilities for the religious leaders (Kuzhe). For questions not directly addressed in the primary sources, the application of Zokuk is extended through consensus of the religious experts throught to embody the consensus of the Akhadic Community. Religious jurisprudence will also sometimes incorporate more recent analogies from the Setgvek, though many scholars also prefer reasoning to analogy.

The introduction of Zokuk is a longstanding goal for many Akhadic political movements in Kyrzbekistan and other countries, but attemps to impose Zokuk have been accompanied by controversy, and opposed by many Kyrzbek secular communities, groups, and political movements. The concept of crime, judicial process, justice and punishment embodied in the Zokuk is different from that of secular law. The differences between religious and secular laws have led to an on-going controversy as to whether the most radical and pure versions of Zokuk are really compatible with secular democracy, freedom of thought, minority and women rights. In secular jurisprudence, Zokuk is classified as religious law, which is one of the three major categories that individual legal system generally fall under, alongside civil law and common law.

The application of the Zokuk, even in its most liberal interpretations, are banned today in the Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan, although freedom of religion is allowed, and temples are allowed independence from the state.

The most importants and recognized principles or rules of the Zozuk are recollected in the “Anlatma'zaz Kitar” (“Commentary of the commentary”), and more modern texts which summarize the teachings and interpretations of the six historical Grand Kuzhe in 199 basic principles or norms called “kafim”. It is important to note that not every Akhadic school of jurisprudence accept all of these principles, but at least each of the principles is recognized by one or two of those religious schools. The application and interpretation of each principle can vary considerably as well, even in the same jurisprudence tradition.

Akhadic clergy

Akhadism has no clergy in the sacerdotal sense, there is no institution resembling the Messanic priesthood. The title "Kuzhe", commonly translated "cleric" in non-Akhadic countries and thought to be analogous to Messanic "priest", is a title of address for any educated or respected figure in an Akhadic community. While there is a hierarachy of higher titles of scholastic authority, such titles are rather symbolical, as Akhadism lacks an organized structure. The most typical Akhadic cleric titles are scholastic or academic in nature: they recognize the holder's exemplary knowledge of the theory and practice of the faith, and do not confer any particular spiritual or sacerdotal authority. A scholar's opinions may be valuable to others because of his knowledge in religious matters; but such opinions should not generally be considered binding, infallible, or absolute, as the individual Akhadic beliver is directly responsible to God for his or her own religious beliefs and practice.

Every Akhadic community is typically organized around a Sakak or temple, and each Akhadic community works independently of the others. There is no such thing as an official registry of believers or a territorial division of communties, and every Akhadic beliver is free to be involved in a different community if he wishes so. A Kuzhe is not expected to be followed blindly for the position he holds, but rather he is respected by his community for his knowledge of the Setgek and religious law.

The lowest rank in Akhadic clergy is the Tetkem (from Askhed language, meaning "student"), an honorific title awarded to Akhadic scholars. A tetkem serves an assistant role for the Kuzhe of the community, helping or replacing the Kuzhe on Akhadic worship services or providing religious guidance. Usually, a Kuzhe was a tetkem during several years before being appointed. There is no requisite for being a tetkem, besides being an adult Akhadic believer, and pious scholar who is respected by his community and the Kuzhe of the temple. There is no ordination as such; the only requirement for appointment as a local tetkem is recognition as someone of sufficient learning and virtue to perform the praying duties on a regular basis, and to instruct other believers in the basics of the Akhadic religion.

Ozman is a middle-rank in Akhadic clergy, an honorific title meaning "authority [on Zokuk]". It was originally applied as an honorific title to leading scholars, but now the use indicates a status in the hierarchy of the learned below the Kuzha. An Ozman is a religious scholar, who main role is serving as religious judge in their community. In the Zokukyar tradition, a council of ozmani appoints the local Kuzhe, after a long oral examination.

The Kuzhe is a high-ranking title given to the Akhadic cleric who heads a Sakak (Akhadic temple). Those who carry the title are experts in Akhadic studies such as religious law, Setgvek reading, and philosophy and usually teach in Akhadic seminaries. They are either elected between their own community or the local clergy council.

The title of Kuzhe is usually granted to a diligent tetkem after completing religious studies in the mektek. By then the scholar would be able to issue his own edicts from the sources of Akhadic religious legislation: the Setgvek, the Zokuk, and the oral tradition, or legal reasoning. Most of the time this is attested by an issued certificated from his teachers and local Kuzhe. The scholar can then teach in Akhadic seminaries and head a temple or community as Kuzhe.

The highest authority in AKhadic clergy is the Grand Kuzhe. Only a few of the most important Kuzhe are granted the rank of Grand Kuzhe. This usually happens when the followers of one of the Kuzhe refer to him in many situations and ask him to publish commentaries on Setgvek or Zokuk in wich he answers the vast majority of daily Akhadic affairs. There are 79 living Grand Kuzha in the world as of 1581, a third of them living in the city-state of Ashar. Although in theory only a symbolic rank, a Grand Kuzhe is considered to be infallible, and his authority on religious affairs can only be contradicted by another Grand Kuzhe.

Ideally, the most just and knowledgeable specialist in the field of Akhadic law should become recognized throughout the Akhadic world. In practice however this rarely happens and there are several Grand Kuzhe among whom an individual is free to choose and emulate. During the early times of the Umirid Empire, sometimes the rank of Grand Kuzhe was limited to a single individual, in which case his rulings have been applicable to all Akhadic believers, without likely questioning by other Akhadic scholars. However, except a short period of time in the 2nd century, this has not happened again since the collapse of the Umirid Empire.

There are other secondary religious titles such as çamarat (awarded to one who has memorized the entire Satgvek, often by attending a special course for the purpose); vekat, a scholar with a specialty in the oral tradition; or dakime, a scholar on religious law or Zokuk, who can perform the role of religious judge in certain circumstances. A yardem is a scholar who has completed and advance course of study which qualifies him to issue judicial opinions on the decrees of a Kuzhe (although he can not issue or dismiss them).

Mektek

A Mektek is a seminary where Akhadic clerics are trained. Several senior Grand Kuzhe constitute the mektek. The institutions in the religious city-state of Ashar are the preeminent seminary centers for the training of Akhadic clergymen. However, several smaller mekteka exist in other cities around the world, such as at Ishanbal and Izma in Khanid, Agridbah in Aricca, Ashkabad in Zargistan, Esfaran, Hadar, Mashezdh in A'Sir, Sermîyan in New Galasia, or Tabul in Kyrzbekistan, and more recently, in non-Akhadic countries such as Ceribia, Ustyara or Florinthus.

The first mektek was founded in Ashkabad, Zargistan (then capital city of the Umirid Empire) by disciples of Akhadic prophet Jorchek, in the 8th-century BCE. At present Grand Kuzhe Bülent Arman heads the main and largest mektek in the Zargistani city. It is, however, in the city of Ashar where there are the most active and prestigious Akhadic seminaries, which a total of twenty-one mekteka. There are nearly one hundred thousand clerics in Ashar's seminaries, most of them built around the Kutsal Peyabes.

In late 14th-century and early 15th-century, a number of Akhadic seminaries were created in several cities of A'Sir. The oldest one can be found in Esfaran, established in 1476. Today, the Akhadic Republic of A'Sir has become the second nation -according to some estimates, already the first one- where more Akhadic scholars come to be trained in Akhadic theology, religious law or legal jurisprudence.

There are also a number of women's mekteka, mostly located in A'Sir. Already in the early 1510s, the Hadar's mektek ran a women's section where several female tetkemi were trained. In Esfaran, the earliest seminary for women was established by Grand Kuzhe Omid Ghadami in 1559. Next, the Mashezdh's school opened a women's wing in 1566, called Dartab-el Tawhiyya. In 1565, another women's seminary opened in the Akhadic Republic of Kyrzbekistan, although it was forced to close in 1567 as consequence of the war conflict in the country.

Mektek students begin their studies by learning Akhadic theology, Zokuk, commentaries and oral tradition, philosophy, natural and abstract sciences as well as rhetoric. Once these studies have been completed, they may begin preparation to become a Kuzhe by studying advance old textbooks such as the “Anlatma'zaz Kitar” (“Commentary of the commentary”), a compilation of sources from the six historical Grand Kuzha. Bilmek i espamath (lit. "common knowledge") is the last level of mektek and this level involves studying religious legislation, commentaries of religious decrees, and recognized as an advanced scholar by at least one established Grand Kuzhe.

Subjects studied at the Mektek may include the following:

• Setqvek and Zokuk
• Akhadic philosophy
• Legal jurisprudence
• Comparative theology
• Logic and rhetoric
• Mysticism
• History
• Language studies
• Studies on the oral tradition
• Akhadic sciences and religious history
• Principles of Akhadic jurisprudence
• Commentary on religious law

Denominations

Akhadic communities are mostly divided in two main denominations: Bukh'a and Zokukyar.

This division produced as consequence of the collapse and break-up of the Umirid Empire. Originally, most of Akhadic population were part of the Umirid Empire, established in 8th-century BCE. The ruler of the Umirid Empire was both a military and religious leader, granted with the title of "Commander of the Believers" (such title did not bestow him with authority on religious issues, however, but rather than his main political purpose was to defend Akhadic believers both inside and outside the borders of the empire, and to expand the Akhadic faith). Zokuk (religious law) was supposed to have a higher status that common state law, and there was a Great Akhadic Council, former by Akhadic clergymen and scholars, which served as an advisory council in matters of religious doctrine and law.

When Akhadic believers started to be divided in several states or kingdoms and, eventually, the Umirid Empire collapsed, the Akhadic communities tried to adapt to the new situation, answering in different ways. In some places, the relation between religious and secular law became more interconnected, less hierarchical, while Akhadic believe under non-Akhadic kingdoms were forced to adapt and develop Zokuk in their autonomous but isolated communities. They also developed different ways of dealing with practical issues, specially on the election of religious leaders, the importance of the oral tradition, dialogue between communities, or religious education. In some cases, tradition prevailed, while in other cases Akhadic communities gave more importances to negotiated consensus, theological interpretation, or hybrid influence. Very often, the political power tried to enforce or influence the practices of the Akhadic communities, through legislation or favouring a denomination over another one.

Unlike other religion, the division between several denominations in Akhadism is relatively flexible. It is not a schismatic division in the traditional sense, and believers of the Bukh'a and Zokukyar denominations, for example, recognize each other as believers of the same religion and member of the same religious tenents. They are rather divided in how they consider Akhadism should be organized and practiced (mostly how religious leaders are elected, the role of religious law, etc) rather than deep theological divisions and arguments. Sectarian violence, although not rare, is not usually motivated for belonging to one denomination or another; and a Akhadic believer of the Bukh'a denomination could easily adapt into a Zukukyar community, at least in theory, and vice versa.

Bukh'a Akhadism

By 6th-century, the Bukh'a denomination became the largest denomination in Akhadism. Historically, it originated in northwestern Zargistan around 1st-century BCE.

The Bukh'a denomination is characterized for the "Dersavek" principle, also known as "religious example". Its gives a greater importance to custom or consensus to solve issues and problems inside the community, and Bukh'a communities usually believe that Zokuk or religious life is supposed to serve as a primary influence on how a believer should live their life, trying to be more faithful everyday to the Akhadic doctrine and inspire or convert others with the own personal existence, understood as an example of commitment with the word of Akhad. Although the Bukh'a denomination does not reject to apply the Zokuk fully as primary source of social existence, it tends to be more pragmatic and adaptable; and it generally accept that while state law and governance should be based as much as possible on religious law, each Akhadic community should be able to decide at what extent Zokuk is applicable -considering political, social, technological, and personal circumstances-, often through reasoned agreement or consensus.

The main difference between Bukh'a Akhadism and other denominations, such as Zokukyar, is that Bukh'a communities elect directly or indirectly the Kuzhe of their temple, and Akhadic clergymen tend play a more discrete role in the affairs of the community.

It is believed that Bukh'a communities tend to be "more liberal" than other Akhadic communities, although this is rather relative, and it rather the depends on the country or region, and very often, to each Akhadic community.

The Bukh'a demonination is the largest Akhadic demonination in most of Khanid and Aricca, Mithraina, Ga'bath, Zargistan, southwestern A'Sir and Kyrzbekistan, making up 60-70% of all Akhadic believers worldwide.

Zokukyar Akhadism

Historically, the origins of the Zokukyar denomination are found between the 4th and 6th centuries, with several scholars belonging to the Aceyemi and Eskidem schools, such as Behçet Hanim (329-387), Feridun Sançar (369-448), Hâmid Bal-Alden (477-528), Mohsen Anghelidjh (471-532), Yavuz Alaton (508-561), or Kemal Afagh (540-609). It is claimed that the first large enough Zokukar communities were established in eastern Zargistan in mid-4th century and later promoted in Ashar by Feridun Sançar who was recognized and as Grand Kuzhe in 404, and who is known for his works on religious law and oral literature. Although it has been claimed that the basic tenets were already practiced in southeastern A'Sir by early 4th-century.

It started as an Akhadic revivalist reform movement, which claimed that Bukh'a communities -already considerably expanded through all the Near East by 3rd and 4th centuries- were giving too much importance to communitarian rules, introducing impurities and innovations in Akhadic practices and rituals, and accepting non-Akhadic or secular influences. Some of those early scholars -specially those belonging to the Eskidem school- called for a return to the practices and jurisprudence established during the Umirid Empire. By the 8th-century, the Zokukyar denomination had already expanded considerably in many places of the Near East. However, it was not until more recently, in the late 12th-century, when the Zokukyar denomination experienced a renaissance, expanding considerably. Historically, the Zokukyar communities had suffered persecution under some Kingdoms, being promoted by some rulers, or simply tolerated.

Compared to the Bakh'a communities, Zokukyar Akhadism gives a greater importance to theological doctrine and Zokuk or religious law. At the same time, it deemphasizes to the role of customs, communal consensus and reasoned opinion, which Zokukyar scholars tend to consider a source of un-Akhadic innovation when it is applied without necessary preparation. The Zokukyar denomination has been variously described as "ultraconservative", "rigid", "puritanical", or "fundamentalist".

The main difference between the Bakh'a and Zokukyar denominations, however, it is the most important and influencial role that the latter gives to Akhadic scholars and clergymen. Zokukyar Akhadism consider that the religious leader of a community is more than simply the most advanced and wise man of the community. He is not only a person with profound knowledge and preparation, but he must be a spiritual leader for the community, guiding with his own example and through doctrinal teaching. Unlike in Bakh'a Akhadism, Zokukyar denomination is opposed that the community is involved in the election of the Kuzhe, however, as this is often a source of un-Akhadic innovation. The common believer has not enough knowledge on theological doctrine or judisprudence to discern the preparation of an Akhadic scholar. Therefore, the Kuzhe of a local community must be appointed by a council formed by ozmani (a middle-rank Akhadic scholar, with knowledge and experience on Zokuk or religious law).

The Zokukyar scholars consider that the application of the Zokuk should be the aspiration of every Akhadic community, and not only through interpretation, analogy, or indirect influence, as the Bakh'a communities often accept. They defend the primacy of religious law in all matters. Zokukyar scholars tend to favour literalist interpretations of the Zokuk (understood as "adherence to the exact letter or the literal sense of the original text"), although Zokukyar communities and believers does not always support this in the practice. Some small Zokukyar communities, however, have chosen to reject even modern technology -considering un-Akhadic or contradictory to religious law-, including the use of television, or industrial food and clothing.

Although most Zokukyar adherents are peaceful, some Akhadist terror groups such as Dakh-Sumakh, Inançe Bal-Birlik or Leḉkerên-Akhadi are inspired in extreme versions of the Zokukyar denomination.

About 20-30% of the world's Akhadic population are adherents to the Zokukyar denomination. Countries and regions with large Zokuykar communities include Ashar, Wadiyah, eastern Khanid, northern Ga'bath, A'Sir, eastern Kyrzbekistan, or New Galasia.

Babouki faith

A depiction of early Babouki believers, around 1448.

Baboukism is an Akhadic religious movement founded in Ilib, Ga'bath, in early 15th century. It originated with the life and teachings of Habis Bal-Babouk (1362-1433), who claimed to have appeared in fulfilment of the prophecies concerning the world's reformer during the end times, who was to bring about, by peaceful means, the final triumph of Akhadism on the earth. He claimed to have been divinely appointed as the Cevtkal (spiritual guide) of Akhadism. The adherents of the movement are referred to as Babouki Akhadic believers or simply Baboukis.

Babouki thought emphasizes the belief that Akhadism is the final dispensation for humanity as revealed to Jorchek and the necessity of restoring to it its true essence and pristine form, which had been lost through the centuries. Babouki followers believe that Bal-Baouk appeared to end religious wars and oppression, condemn bloodshed and reinstitute morality, justice, and peace. They believe that upon divine guidance he divested Akhadism of fanatical and innovative beliefs and practices by championing what is, in their view, Akhadism's true and essential teachings as practiced by Jorchek and the early Akhadic community. Thus, Baboukis view themselves as leading the revival and peaceful propagation of Akhadism.

Azemi sakak in Molkna, which also holds the Akhadic Congregation headquarters and the official residence of the Babouki cevtkal.

One of the most controversial claims of Habis Bal-Babouk was that the Umirid Empire was un-Akhadic and Umir Kasimoğlu distorted Jorchek teachings rather than being his successor and legitimate spiritual leader of the Akhadic community. Thus, Baboukis view themselves as leading the revival and peaceful propagatin of Akhadism. Unlike most Akhadic denominations, Baboukism has an organized and hierarchical structure, officially known as Akhadic Congregation. Habis Bal-Babouk founded the movement on Septem 1409. He was forced to leave Ga'Bath four years later, and established himself along a large number of followers in Gallia. After his death, the Akhadic Congregation has been led by a number of Cevtkals, elected by the Holy Synod. The Babouki have a strong missionary tradition and were among the earliest Akhadic communities to arrive in Western Brigidna. Currently, the congregation is led by its Cevtkal, Nan Aziz Vefa. The Akhadic Congregation has its headquarters in Molkna, Azreae, where there lives a Babouki community of more than 50,000 followers. In 1559, the first Babouki university was established in that city.

Baboukis accept the Setgvek as their holy text and practice the Zokuk (Akhadic religious law) as reformed by Habis Bal-Babouk's teachings. Bal-Babouk proclaimed that his objective was to defend and propagate Akhadism globally through peaceful means, to revive the "forgotten Akhadic values of peace, forgiveness and sympathy for all manking...and to establish peace in the world through the authentic teachings of Akhadism". He believed that his message had special relevance for Messanic countries, which, he believed, had descended into materialism. Baboukis regard Habis Bal-Babouk as an Akhadic prophet with the same status than Jorchek, which many Akhadic theologians consider an act of blashphemy. Baboukism is regarded as a relatively liberal movement, with a large number of female clerics. They claim that Zokuk must be a personal code of norms, rather than religious legislation in an strict sense. Therefore, they are opposed to theocratic governance.

The status of Baboukism inside Akhadism is disputed, however. Many Akhadic schools considered Baboukism an heretic movement, and declared Habis Bal-Babouk as an usurper and false prophet. Some Babouki-specific beliefs have been thought by most Akhadic denominations as opposed to contemporary mainstream Akhadic thought since the movement's birth, and Baboukis have subsequently faced persecution in some Akhadic-majority countries.

Kunanism

Kunanic Akhadism or Kunanism (also commonly known as Legalist Akhadism) is an Akhadic religious movement characterized by the recognition of the Setgvek alone as the supreme authority in Zokuk (Akhadic religious law) and theology. It is distinct from mainstream Akhadism, which considers the Akhadic oral tradition and the historical commentaries as authoritative interpretations of the Zokuk. As a result, Kunanic Akhadic believers do not accept as binding the written collections of the oral tradition or the commentaries of the historical Grand Kuzha.

When interpreting the Zokuk, Kunanists strive to adhere to the plain or most obvious meaning of the text; this is not necessarily the literal meaning, but rather the meaning that would have been naturally understood by the early Akhadic believers during the lifetime of prophet Jorchek and his disciples. By contrast, mainstream both Bukh'a and Zokukyar denominations relies on the Zokuk rulings as they were codified during the Umirid Empire, the commentaries of the historial Kuzha, the oral tradition, and other sources to indicate the authentic meaning of the Setgvek. Kunanic Akhadism holds every interpretation of the Zokuk to the same scrutiny, and teaches that it is the personal responsibility of every individual Akhadic believer to study the Setgvek, and ultimately decide personally its correct meaning. Kunanic Akhadic believers may consider argument made by the historical Kuzha or found in the oral tradition without exalting them above other viewpoints.

The Kunanic movement appeared during the Düçmek period (circa 4th-2nd centuries BCE) in what is present western Ga'bath and Aricca. This is the view universally accepted among Kunanic Akhadic believers themselves. However, some Akhadic scholars claim than Kunnaists were already living in the Umirid Empire in the first half of the 6th century BCE, based on a legal document that the Kunanic community in Arberia (today Kyrzbekistan) had in its possession until early 13th century, in which an Umirid governor ordered the Akhadic local authorities in Byzkhan against interfering with Kunanist practices or the way they celebrate their rituals. Historians have argued over whether Kunanism has a direct connection to anti-Umirid Akhadic sects such as the Kaçmak, which appeared in the 5th century BCE, or whether Kunanism represents a different and new theologian movement. Kunanists have always maintained that, despite their common rejection of the Umirid jurisprudence and the oral tradition, there are major and important differences.

Kunanists believe they observe the original Akhadic faith, as prescribed by Akhad in the Setgvek and understood by early Akhadites before the Gënaletme period. They do not accept later additions, such as the historical commentaries, as divinely inspired. They place the ultimate responsibility of intrepreting the Setgvek on each individual. Kunanism holds every interpretation up to the same objective scrutiny regardless of its source. They believe in one, eternal and immanent god, which gave the Setgvek to prophet Jorchek and his disciples through Makhadic inspiration.

Kunanists do not accept the existence of the oral law and the historical commentaries:

1. It includes many conflicting opinions.
2. They argue that the truth of the oral law preached by Jorchek and his disciples could only be in one opinion, not many opinions.
3. They claim that the authority of the oral tradition is not explicitly mentioned in the Setqvek.
4. The words of the historical commentaries are the words of people living at least a century after Jorchek's martyrdom, in contrast with the Setqvek, which is held to be a direct revelation by Akhad.

Kunanic Akhadic believers do not reject the oral law and historical commentaries in themselves, though, as the disagreement arises over the Akhadic mainstream tradition's raising such jurisprudence as similar to the Setgvek as sources of the Akhadic faith. They claim this practice has led to traditions and customs that contradict what is written in the Setqvek. They have also their own traditions and custom passed from their ancestors and local religious authorities. Most of these practices are kept primarily by Orthodox Kunanists; theoretically, any tradition thereof is said to be rejected if it contradicts the simple meaning of the holy book. The vast majority of these traditions are not forced upon any Kunanic believer or convert to Akhadism through the Kunanic practice, except very few such as gender segregation in many Kunaic temples and religious schools.

The Akhadic Kunanist believers who are new to the Kunanic lifestyle do not have such a compulsory tradition and tend to rely heavily upon just the Setgvek and those practices mentioned in it, and to adapt Akhadic practices to their cultural context. Kunanic communities are usually small and generally isolated, so their members commonly adopt the customs of their host country. In Akhadic-minority countries, Kunanists tend to be culturally assimilated into mainstream society (with a few exceptions).

Zokukyar scholars, such as Mohsen Anghelidjh, claimed that people who deny the authority of the historical Kuzha are to be considered among the heretics. However, at the same time, other Zokukyar scholars holds that most of the Kunanists and other who claim to deny the oral tradition are not to be held accountable for their errors because they are led into error by their parents and are similar to an Akhadic believer who was forced to convert to another religion without consent. Both mainstream Bukh'a and Zokukyar denominations have traditionally held that, because the Kunanists do not observe the Akhadic jurisprudence on divorce, established during the Gënaletme period, there is a strong presumption that they were born as illegitimate children, so that marriage with them is forbidden even if they return to mainstream Akhadism. Some recent traditionalist Zokukyar scholars have held that Kunanists should be regarded as non-Akhadic believers in all respects, though this is not universally accepted, and even quite rare in the Bukh'a denomination.

Before the appearance of the Zokukyar denomination, Kunanists at one time made up a significant proportion of the Akhadic population in the Near East, but they experienced a period of decline after the 9th century. There are large Kunanic communities in southern Ga'bath, western Kyrzbekistan, Khanid, Ustyara and New Galasia, but they made barely an estimated 1% of Akhadic population worldwide.

Kafim, or the 199 basic principles of Zokuk

Primary principles

1. To know there is a god.

2. To know that He is the one (Akhad)

3. Not to entertain thoughts of other gods besides Akhad

4. To love Akhad

5. To fear Akhad

6. To sanctify Akhad

7. Not to profane Akhad

8. Not to destroy objects associated with Akhad

9. To follow the law (Zakuk)

10. To spread his word (Sitqvek)

11. Not to hate fellow Akhadic believers

12. To reprove wrongdoers

13. To repent and confess wrongdoings

14. Not to blaspheme

15. Not to oppress the weak

16. Not to make an idol for yourself

17. Not to make an idol for others

18. Not to take revenge

19. Not to bear a grudge

20. Not to embarrass others

21. Not to gossip about others

22. To learn Sitqvek and teach it

23. To honor those who teach and know Sitqvek

Elementary Customs

24. Not to make human forms even for decorative purposes

25. Not to inquire into idolatry

26. Not to turn a city to idolatry

27. To burn a city that has turned to idol worship

28. Not to rebuild it as a city

29. To destroy idols and their accesories

30. Not to prophesize falsesly in the name of Akhad

31. Not to listen to a false prophet

32. Not to be afraid of killing the false prophet

33. Not to be superstitious

34. Not to engage in astrology

35. Not to mutter incantations

36. Not to perform acts of magic

37. Men must not wear women's clothing

38. Women must not wear men's clothing

39. Not to tattoo the skin

40. To bless Akhad before and after eating

Family and Custom Principles

41. Not to curse your father or mother

42. Not to strike your father or mother

43. Respect your father and mother

44. Fear your father and mother

45. Not to be a rebellious son

46. Mourn for relatives

47. To have children with one's wife

48. The court must fine one who seduces a maiden

49. The rapist must marry the maiden [if she and her family agree]

50. He is not allowed to divorce her

51. The slanderer must remain married to the wife he slandered

52. He must not divorce her

53. To fullfil the laws of the woman suspected of adultery

54. Not to have sexual relations with your mother

55. Not to have sexual relations with your father's wife

56. Not to have sexual relations with your sister

57. Not to have sexual relations with your daughter

58. Not to have sexual relations with your son's daughter

59. Not to have sexual relations with your daughter's daughter

60. Not to marry a woman and her daughter

61. Not to marry a woman and her son's daughter

62. Not to marry a with a woman and her daughter's daughter

63. Not to have sexual relations with your mother's sister

64. Not to have sexual relations with your father's brother's wife

65. Not to have sexual relations with your son's wife

66. Not to have sexual relations with your brother's wife

67. Not to have sexual relations with your wife's sister

68. A man must not have sexual relations with a beast

69. A woman must not have sexual relations with a beast

70. Not to have homosexual sexual relations

71. Not to have homosexual sexual relations with your father

72. Not to have homosexual sexual relations with your father's brother

73. Not to have sexual relations with a married woman

74. Not to have sexual relations with a menstrually impure woman

75. Not to marry non-Akhadists

76. The Kuzhe must not marry a widow

77. The Kuzhe must not have sexual relations with a widow even outside of marriage

78. The Kuzhe must marry a virgin maiden

79. Not to make pleasurable (sexual) contact with any forbidden woman

80. Not to eat fish

81. Not to eat flying insects

82. Not to eat worms found in fruit once they have left the fruit

83. To ritually slaughter an animal before eating it

84. Not to eat the meat of an animal that died without ritual slaughter

85. Not to eat blood

86. Not to eat egg and milk cooked together

87. Not to cook egg and milk together

88. Not to slaughter an animal and its offspring on the same day

89. Not drink wine, wine mixtures, or wine vinegar

90. To set aside the first fruits and bring them to the Temple

91. Not to swear falsely in Akhad's Name

92. To swear in Akhad's Name to confirm the truth when deemed necessary by court

93.Not to break oaths or vows

Faith Principles

94. Not to deny possession of something entrusted to you

95. Not to swear falsely in denial of a monetary claim

96. To give charity

97. Not to withhold charity from the poor

98. To build a Sanctuary (Holy Temple)

99. Not to build the altar with stones hewn by metal

100. Not to climb steps to the altar

101. To light a fire on the altar every day

102. Not to extinguish this fire

103. To remove the ashes from the altar every day

104. To show reverence for the Temple

105. To guard the Temple area

106. Not to leave the Temple unguarded

107. Impure people must not enter the Temple

108. Not to burn honey or yeast on the altar

109. To follow the procedure of the peace offering

110. To offer all sacrifices in the Temple

111. Not to slaughter sacrifices outside the courtyard

112. Not to offer any sacrifices outside the courtyard

113. Not to eat from sacrifices offered with improper intentions

114. Not to eat from sacrifices which became impure

115. An impure person must not eat from sacrifices

116. An apostate must not eat from sacrifices

117. To burn the leftover sacrifices

118. To burn all impure sacrifices

Justice Principles

119. Courts must calculate to determine when a new month begins

120. Observe the laws of menstrual impurity

121. Observe the laws of impurity caused by childbirth

122. Observe the laws of impurity of a seminal emission

123. Observe the laws of impurity concerning liquid and solid foods

124. The court must implement punitive measures against the thief

125. Not to kidnap

126. Not to withhold wages or fail to repay a debt

127. The court must implement laws against the one who assaults another or damages another's property

128. Not to murder

129. Not to kill the murderer before he stands trial

130. Save someone being pursued even by taking the life of the pursuer

131. Not to pity the pursuer

132. Not to stand idly by if someone's life is in danger

133. Break the neck of a calf by a stream following an unsolved murder

134. Infidel slaves must work forever unless the owner amputates one of their limbs

135. Pay wages on the day they were earned

136. Not to delay payment of wages past the agreed time

137. The worker must not eat while on hired time

138. The worker must not take more than he can eat

139. Lend to the poor and destitute

140. Not to press them for payment if you know they don't have it

141. Return the collateral to the debtor when needed

142. Not to delay its return when needed

143. Not to demand collateral from a widow

144. Not to lend with interest

145. Not to borrow with interest

146. Lend to and borrow from idolaters with interest

147. Carry out the laws of the order of inheritance

148. Appoint judges

149. Not to appoint judges who are not familiar with judicial procedure

150. Decide by majority in case of disagreement

151. [In capital cases] the court must not execute through a majority of one; at least a majority of two is required

152. The courts must carry out the death penalty of stoning

153. The courts must carry out the death penalty of burning

154. The courts must carry out the death penalty of the sword

155. The courts must carry out the death penalty of strangulation

156. The courts must hang those stoned for blasphemy or idolatry

157. Bury the executed [as well as all deceased] on the day they are killed

158. Not to delay burial overnight

159. The court must not let the sorcerer live

160. The court must give lashes to the wrongdoer

161. The court must not exceed the prescribed number of lashes

162. The court must not kill anybody on circumstantial evidence

163. The court must not punish anybody who was forced to do a crime

164. A judge must not pity the murderer or assaulter at the trial

165. A judge must not have mercy on the poor man at the trial

166. A judge must not respect the great man at the trial

167. A judge must not decide unjustly the case of the habitual transgressor

168. A judge must not pervert justice

169. A judge must not pervert a case involving a convert or orphan

170. Judge righteously

171. The judge must not fear a violent man in judgment

172. Judges must not accept bribes

173. Judges must not accept testimony unless both parties are present

174. Not to curse judges

175. Not to curse the head of state or leader of the community

176. Carefully interrogate the witness

177. A witness must not serve as a judge in capital crimes

178. Not to accept testimony from a lone witness

179. Transgressors must not testify

180. Relatives of the litigants must not testify

181. Not to testify falsely

City Principles

182. Appoint a ruler from the land

183. The ruler must not have too many wives

184. The ruler must not have too many horses

185. The ruler must not have too much silver and gold

186. Destroy the enemies

187. Not to let any of them remain alive

188. Wipe out their descendants

189. Remember what your enemies did to your people

190. Offer peace terms to the inhabitants of a city while holding siege, and treat them according to the Zokuk if they accept the terms

191. Not to destroy fruit trees even during the siege

192. Not to demand from the above any involvement, communal or military

193. Not to panic and retreat during battle

194. Keep the laws of the captive woman

195. Not to sell her into slavery

196. Not to retain her for servitude after having relations with her

197. Obey fair laws

198. Disobey the unfair ones

199. Spread the holy war when announced by the sages

Culture: Akhadism and clothing

A group of Kyrzbekistani women

Akhadic doctrine, and more concretely, Zokuk or religious law, deals with many topics of the every life of Akhadic believers, such as rituals, war, crime, politics, and economics, as well as personal matters such as sexual intercourse, hygiene, diet, prayer, fasting, everyday etiquette, morality, and culture. Although there is no such thing as official or compulsory clothing in Akhadic doctrine, Zokuk establishes distinctive clothes for men and women, and admonishes Akhadic women to dress modestly and cover their breasts and genitals, although it doesn't require covering the head.

Akhadic believers are concerned with clothing in two contexts: clothing for everyday wear, inside and outside the house; and clothing required in specifically religious contexts, such as rituals inside the Sakak. Dress in Akhadic communities varies from country to country, and it is often influenced by pre-Akhadic traditions.

In the Zokukyar denomination, women are usually required to cover their heads while in temple; an example of this practice occurs in eastern Kyrzbekistan. In New Galasia, Akhadic women often wear white veils, athough their eyes are usually visible; moreover, in that nation, in Akhadic temples, women are separated from men by latticework partitions during the ritual service.

In other cases, the choice may be individual, or vary within a country or jurisdiction. Among Akhadic women in northern Kyrzbekistan, the practice of wearing a head covering in sakak gradually declined over the course of the 16th century. In non-Akhadic countries, the custom can vary depending on the congretation, and the national origins of the community.

Ipek

Praying Akhadic woman wearing ipek

Ipek, also called a ipenkçi çuppë, is the Ashked word for the headscarf worn by many married Akhadic women in compliance with the code of modesty known as koçüf (developed by the Yenilik school of jurisprudence), which requires married women to cover their hair. Ipeks can range from a simple plain color cotton kerchief tied in the back to elaborate head coverings using multiple fabrics and tying techniques. The koçuf developed in last centuries of the Umirid Empire in northern Zargistan, and soon expanded in nearby countries.

The Askhed word "ipek" is the diminutive of ipenkçi çuppë ("silky cloth"). After the wedding ceremony, Akhadic followers of the koçüf code believe that women should only show her hair to their husbands. According to the “Anlatma'zaz Kitar”, hair covering is not an obligation in religious law. Grand Kuzhe Eyüp Akyol declares that are grounds for divorce such as "appearing in public with loose hair, weaving in the marketplace, and talking to any man". This categorization suggests that hair covering is not an absolute obligation under Akhadic law, but rather is a standard of modesty that was defined by some Akhadic communities. Some Akhadic scholars define hair as sexually erotic, and prohibit men from praying in sight of a woman's hair.

Bagcik

An Akhadic Galasian woman wearing a bagcik.

A bagcik is a head covering worn by some married Akhadic women. It is a partial wig that only has hair in the front, the rest typically covered by a small pillbox hat or a headscarf. The hairpiece may actually be silk or lace, or else made of synthetic fibers, to avoid too closely resembling real hair. The bagcik was popular between Bakh'a communities in New Galasia, and it is worn by soem contemporary women who follow the customs of that community. In Zokukyar communities in the area, however, it was slowly displaced by the more popular ipek.

Maham

Women wearing maham

Maham is a traditional women's garment worn in Wadiyah and northern Ustyara. It is usually white, and traditonally compulsory during a long period of mourning.

Bashek

"Young Akhadic" by Blesim Rakuda, 1208

A bashek is a close fitting cap worn by both men and women that covers the top, back, and sides of the head. Basheks date from the 2th century, but fell out of popularity with men in the 12th century. Basheks were originally worn by the Kyrzbek merchant class in central Kyrzbekistan, but soon popularized by all classes in northwestern Kyrzbekistan.

Basheks were also worn by non-Akhadic Arberian women in nearby areas until late 15th-century, but in this case they were frequently decorated with reddish-brown embroidery and lace edging. In the case of Akhadic Kyrzbek women, they are rather worn with a more austere style, usually made of unadorned white lined and tied under the chin. In the merchant class, they were originally worn under gable hoods and hats of all sorts, and alone as indoor headcoverings. Today, they are found in Kyrzbek rural communities, but more rarely in urban towns where women wearing headscarfs is not that common - specially in northwestern and central Kyrzbekistan.

The traditional wedding dress of Kyrzbek women of that region included a bashkek as a headpiece, along with a red cotton cap secured by a headband, to which a veil could be attached, along with a green shawl of starched linen or cotton to cover the cheeks, neck and chest.

Muhtadeq

Wadyian women wearing muhtadeq clothing.

In eastern Wadiyah, women traditionally wear a long veil known as Muhtadeq. Zokukyar communities in that country have established that the entire body of the woman, except her face and hands, must be covered during player and in public settings. It is the local tradition that women wear clothing that is not form fitting to the body. Some local Kuzhe encourage covering the face, while in western Wadiyah covering the face is more rare.

Kyrzbekistani women from Sfirecheny wearing th Kyrzbek traditional dress known as Betegekek, only worn in special celebrations

Temelk

Temelk, or liturgical vestment, is a garment worn by Akhadic clergymen during animal sacrifices or ritual practices in the Sakak. Despite their often elaborate design, the vestments are generally intended to focus attention on the sacred rituals, and the office of the person wearing them, rather than on the person himself. It is partly for this reason that temelk is usually designed with a very high back, so that when the Kuzhe is standing facing the altar his head is almost completely hidden. Other items, such as the traditional cuffs, represent manacles or chains, reminding the wearer and others that their office is a position of service.

Grand Kuzhe	Kuzhe	Tetkem

Basic vocabulary of Akhadism

• Grand Kuzhe: highest authority in Akhadism. Only a few of the most important Kuzhe are accorded the rank of Grand Kuzhe. This usually happens when the followers of one of the Kuzhe refer to him in many situations and ask him to publish commentaries on Setgvek or Zokuk in wich he answers the vast majority of daily Akhadic affairs. There are 81 living Grand Kuzha in the world as of 1578, a third of them living in the city-state of Ashar. A Grand Kuzhe is considered to be infallible, and his authority on religious affairs can only be contradicted by another Grand Kuzhe.
• Kutsal Peyabes: most important Akhadic temple in the city-state of Ashar, built in Jorchek memory, and the most important pilgrimage place for Akhadic believers.
• Kuzhe: a Kuzhe (plural Kuzha) is a high-ranking title given to the Akhadic cleric who heads a temple or Akhadic community. Those who carry the title are experts in Akhadic studies such as religious law, Setgvek reading, and philosophy and usually teach in Akhadic seminaries. They are eithe elected between their own community or the local clergy council.
• Jorchek: (823-769 BCE), first and only accepted prophet, founder of Akhadism.
• Ozman: an Akhadic religious scholar. Ozman (plural Ozmani) is an honorific title meaning "authority on Zokuk". It was originally applied as an honorific to leading scholars, but now the use indicates a status in the hierarchy of the learned below Kuzhe. In the Zokukyar tradition, a council of ozmani appoints the local Kuzhe, after a long oral examination. Ozmani usually serves as religious judge.
• Sakak: place of worship for Akhadic believers. Akhadic temples are typicially austere in decoration, as Zokuk forbids the representation of human forms and idolatry of any kind.
• Setgvek: the Akhadic holy book, inspired by the visions of prophet Jorchek
• Umir the Great: Follower of the prophet Jorchek, he became his most trusted advisor. In 775 BCE, Umir became the ruler of Askhabad, expanding the Akhadic faith through the Near East and founding the Umirid Empire.
• Tetkem: a tetkem (plural tetkeme, from the Askhed language word for "student") is an Akhadic leadership position, immediately behind the rank of Kuzhe. A tetkem serves an assistant role for the Kuzhe of the community, helping or replacing the Kuzhe on Akhadic worship services or providing religious guidance. Usually, a Kuzhe was a tektem during several years before being appointed.
• Zokuk: Akhadic religious law, as derived from Setgvek and the commentaries of the historical Grand Kuzha.

See also

• Bal-Jawadi
• Akhadic Society
• Radical Akhadism